Boycott Maldives Tourism

Tourists, please boycott Maldives till democracy is restored JOHN DAYAL I cannot swim. I do paddle a little, and sometimes even float on my back if the water is tranquil. I none the less took courage and “dived” into the azure deep, picked up the lovely coral from the absolutely white sand under water even as a hundred colourful butterflies, masquerading as so many tiny tropical fish, fluttered around. Thankfully, the waters were but four foot deep for miles around in the lagoon. I still have that sparkling white coral branch displayed in my living room, a memory of my visit to the Maldives, a string of coral atolls just south of India’s Lakshadweep Island group. The Maldives are prime attraction for all sorts of tourists – newly-married couples in search of nurturing solitude, western tourists seeking sun and sand, Indian businessmen seeking a quiet place to drink, perchance to make a deal. They have also attracted the occasional Wahabis, because of whose influence sometimes the Maldivian immigration and customs frown if you are brining your own whisky, which they confiscated once if possibly not now, and the Bible, not a wanted book in some extremist countries. The Island democracy with a population of just 400,000, has seen not too many governments in the years of its coming of age. India helped thwart a coup against long-serving President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom once. It was in 1988 when India launched Operation Cactus Gayoom’s request. An Indian Army Para brigade at the airport on Hulule island, adjacent to Male and another Indian Warship at the mouth of the haven over-whelmed the Sri Lankan mercenaries, members of the Tamil PLOTE group who had grabbed hostages from ashore, hijacked a merchant vessel, the Progress Light anchored in Male harbour, and were challenging the government. Gayoom eventually lost power after ruling for thirty years, but this time in a democratic election. He lost to a young political activist Mohamed Nasheed. Nasheed was a popular man, and immediately attracted a global following for his charm and avowed belief in the democratic process and issues such as secularism, a fresh wind after Gayoom’s oppressive regime. But he must have also made enemies, as is now becoming clear. One fine morning on 7th February his year, Nasheed went to the neighbouring Army garrison to ask the officers there to take action against a section of the police which had apparently turned hostile. Much to his shock, Nasheed discerned that the Army officers too had joined the police, making it clear that the coup, as it was, was a well planned one. Nasheed told the international media later that he was given an ultimatum to hand over power to his deputy, Vice president Dr. Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik . Manik immediately assumed power in the blood-less coup. Soon thereafter, he wanted Nasheed arrested, and asked the courts to issue the necessary warrants. Nasheed is still free, but the situation remains tense. India has its western navy ready just in case it has to take action to prevent the island’s fragile peace from being violated. This writer, asked by international media, had expressed deep concern at the coup. Others too had expressed concern. India however has adopted a watch and wait strategy, presumably hoping that there will soon be fresh elections and democracy will be restored in the atoll-nation where the only threat once was from global warming which could threaten the security of the atolls which are in most places barely a six foot altitude from sea level. International groups have now expressed concern saying the Maldives coup, portends very badly for human rights. One group, the Friends of the Maldives, has issued a call for a campaign urging people not to visit the resorts owned by supporters of the coup. The Human Rights group has received coverage in the United Kingdom. “The current political turmoil in the Maldives has deterred people from visiting the islands. We feel the situation is not so bad, as the airport and resort islands are not linked to any population centres. But we strongly recommend the advice given by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office of the UK,” the group said in a statement this week. The group gave a list of islands and resorts that, it said, international tourists “should avoid, based on our close information on the ground.” The resort atolls, it said, are “places linked to individuals or groups who we suspect to be involved in the subversion of democracy and in human rights abuses in the Maldives.” The Friends of Maldives reported that currently, a large part of the population of the Maldives is demonstrating every day for early elections and for an end to police brutality. Although the demonstrations happen mostly in the capital Malé and other populated islands, there is a possibility of industrial actions, strikes and other form of protests in resorts that have links to those suspected to have involvement with the coup and related human rights abuses. While these protests don't pose any danger, it is an inconvenience best avoided by holidaymakers. “This is one reason to avoid these resorts. We also urge you to consider the idea of being a responsible traveller. Don’t let your pleasant holiday contribute to the suffering of others, whether it is to the Maldives or to any other place. Find out the background of the places you visit. In many cases, you can enjoy your holiday knowing you have helped, simply by being selective,” the advisory said. The resorts on the “avoid” list include the Bandos resorts owned by new President Waheed Deen), the Sun Island Royal Island and Paradise Island resorts and Spas owned by Gasim Ibrahim. According to the western media, Ahmed Naseem, the ousted foreign minister, faced opposition last year when he became the first Maldivian official to visit Israel. He said religious orthodoxy has become the norm as more people go to study in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. "This country had no one wearing headscarves 10 years ago" but it is common now, he said. The political opposition, he added, capitalized on this growing religiosity by portraying Nasheed as un-Islamic. "They're using Islam as a tool." A Western diplomat was quoted saying the nexus between Islamists and some politicians was a concern for the nation's stability. American media quoted Nasheed’s loyalists saying the coup plotters were loyal to former President Gayoom. President Nasheed had attempted to launch a corruption investigation into Gayoom, an authoritarian leader who ruled for 30 years. When a senior judge blocked the probe, Mr. Nasheed last month asked the army to arrest the judge, igniting anti government protests. Western newspapers said the party of Mohamed Jameel, who was sworn in as home minister this week, issued a pamphlet last month claiming that empty bottles of alcohol, which is forbidden for Maldivians, were found in offices of Nasheed's government. It blamed the government for planning to sell land to Israel. The pamphlet said the then-president was working to undermine Islamic law in the country. India has not issued any advisory to tourists going to the Maldives. Indian Human Rights groups are also yet to take an initiative in the matter.

MONITORING FREEDOM OF FAITH

Human rights activists across the world will be happy at the news that Italy has set up a Commission for Monitoring Religious Freedom in all countries. This is the second such commission in the world after the troubled United States Commission for International Religious Freedom which, in recent years, has been beset by funding problems despite a very good record in “naming and shaming” countries where religious minorities are persecuted by the State or by majority groups. Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs Giulio Terzi and Mayor of Rome Gianni Alemanno signed a protocol of understanding today at the foreign ministry in Rome establishing the “Osservatorio della libertà religiosa” (Observatory for Religious Freedom) for the study, analysis and monitoring of freedom of worship around the world. During the signing ceremony Minister Terzi reconfirmed Italy’s determination, along with the Holy See, to act in every international setting on behalf of the assertion of the universal values of interfaith dialogue and tolerance, underscoring the decisive role of the diplomatic network in maintaining Italy’s high profile in those countries where religious minorities continue to be the target of violence, discrimination and persecution. Italy has committed in the UN and the EU to ensure that fostering freedom of worship and peaceful co-existence between faiths would continue to be one of the distinguishing features of the ethical dimension of Italian foreign policy. Human rights issue were part of the discussions at the European Union-India summit on strategic partnership in Delhi in Early February 2012. There had been demands internationally that the presidents of the European Council and the European Commission make human rights a central part of their discussions with Indian officials. The human rights situation in India is “much poor”, international and Indian groups have said in documents prepared for the second Universal Periodic Review that India faces in Geneva in the meetings of the United Nations Human Rights Council. While India boasts of a number of human rights organisations created by parliament, the record in all areas of human rights, including freedom of faith, remains dismal. India has yet to enact adequate laws or implement policies to protect marginalized communities, particularly Dalits, tribal groups, religious minorities, women, and children. The government also routinely fails to take action in cases of serious human rights violations, particularly all forms of sexual assault against women, communal violence, enforced disappearances in conflict areas, extrajudicial killings, torture. These issues are compounded by the widespread impunity for abuses and the corresponding problems of access to justice and adequate compensation, international groups such as Human Rights Watch have said. India will really have to clean up its act if it is to really police human rights violations in other countries, especially in south and west Asia.

THE CHURCH AS A SERVICE PROVIDER

‘Pick our hot chestnuts from the fire, teach our children, and heal our sick, but no Evangelisation please,’ says the government. And, of course, nothing doing on Dalit Christians’ rights JOHN DAYAL The dapper Union minister, Jairam Ramesh, is a very nice person, a gentleman. He deserves a reply. And since the princes of the Church have not been voluble for reasons they know best, let us venture a response. The Times Now TV Satellite channel headlined its report on Ramesh speaking at the Golden jubilee of Caritas India at the Convent of Jesus and Mary, New Delhi, on Friday 20th January 2012, saying pithily “Help us in Naxal areas but no religious mobilisation: Ramesh.” Despite the paraphrasing, the headline does catch the sense and the mood of what Ramesh told his audience of Cardinals and ordinary Bishops and clergy. It also makes clear that like most people in India, and specially politicians ranging from the Marxists at one end and the Sangh Parivar at the far right, Ramesh too has not been able to differentiate between the Church as a mission obeying the commandment of Jesus Christ to serve the poor, the deprived, the sick and the marginalised, and any service-provider running educational and health institutions for commercial gain, and occasionally, for political advantage. That the government thinks of the Church not only as just a mere service provider but a particularly naïve one at that, is clear from the rest of what Ramesh said. It is important, therefore, to quote the Times Now report in full: “Union Minister Jairam Ramesh made a strong pitch for roping in organisations like those run by Catholic Church to bring development in Maoist-hit areas but asked them to respect the 'Lakshman Rekha' and not engage in "religious mobilisation". "I expect Caritas to respect the sentiment of not getting involved in religious mobilisation. That is not the objective. The objective is to use the powers of the organisation like yours to help us breakdown the deficit of trust between the Government and the tribal communities. That is our objective," he said. The Minister said he does not talk about Caritas as a Catholic organisation but as a social organisation run by Catholics. Focusing on the issue of Maoist influence, Ramesh said the challenge is "how we deal with the whole issue of Maoist violence which is spreading across large parts of tribal areas. Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh. All central Indian tribal belt today is in the grip of what our Prime Minister has described as the most serious internal security challenge of our country." The Minister said that people in these areas are unable to carry out their very existence in peace, normalcy and harmony because of the growing incidents of an ideology that is dedicated to the overthrowing all democratic institutions. he said that organisations like Caritas and Ramakrishna Mission have a very important role to play in such areas, "provided social organisations respect certain 'Lakshman Rekha'". Foreseeing a possible opposition from BJP-ruled Jharkhand for involving Caritas India in Maoist-hit areas, Ramesh said "you must be prepared for this" and said "the ultimate objective of course is to create an environment in which peace returns." Three important issues arise here. What is the nature of service the Catholic – and Protestant -- Churches provide to the country, and where. Does this service and these institutions instantly become focal points of evangelisation, and thereby of proselytising. And finally, if only as a comparative study, what is the nature of service that institutions of the Hindu faith, such as Ramakrishna Mission, and the Ekal and other schools run by the Sangh Parivar, provide, and do they spread their faith in the areas they work: in affect what is the end prod duct of their very well financed and administered educational projects. Looking at the Christian [I use this better term to include all those who follow Christ. I find the terms “Catholics and Christians” a bit of an anathema and not in keeping with the unity sought in Christ] effort in education and health. It can be easily said that the Church effort, or the work of the missionaries to be precise, laid the foundations of modern medicine and modern health services in the country, including the birthing of the institution of the Indian nurse who is so ubiquitous across the globe today. This is with due respect to the traditional systems of medicine practiced by the itinerant Vaids and Hakims and Dais in rural India. Hospitals, dispensaries and medical, dental and nursing colleges now dot the landscape, especially in forest and village areas not easily accessible from metropolitan and capital cities. In the mega cities and state capitals, it needs be admitted, the Christian presence is outnumbered by commercial and glossy hospitals and colleges set up by charitable trusts, governmetns, and most of all, businessmen who charge huge capitation fees, give a long berth to meritocracy and teach anyone whose family has the money, producing doctors of great greed but little training and talent. Despite commercialization, in areas of Chhatisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, even Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Orissa, the Christian hospitals and training centres often remain the only one, specially the only ones not charging sky high fees. As Fr Kuriala, head of the Education Commission of the Catholic Bishops Conference recounts, the Catholic Church has been a true pioneer in promoting modern education in the country. In fact, the first formal Christian educational enterprise anywhere outside Europe was the Santa Fe School in Goa, started in 1540. Soon more Christian Schools appeared in other parts of India: at Bassein (Vasi- 1546), at Cochin (1549), at Punnakayil (1567), in Madurai (1595). The first ever Girls’ School in India was opened by the missionaries in 1819 in Kottayam. The Church also pioneered technical education in the country, with the first trade schools coming up as early as 1842. It may also be mentioned that a Sanskrit School was opened by the Catholic Church in 1846 at Mannanam, Kerala. Though constituting only 1.6% of the population, the Catholic Church in India today runs 13,004 Schools (Lower Primary to XII), 243 Specialized schools, 450 Colleges, 2 Universities, 534 Formal Technical Institutions, 310 Non- Formal Educational Institutions. Of these nearly 60 % are in the rural areas and 40 % in the urban areas. The total number of students attending our institutions is 69, 05,566, of whom 31,76, 466 are boys and 37,29,100 girls. For the record, of the children coming to catholic schools, 53% are Hindus, 28% Christians, 8.6% Muslims and 10.1% others. The numbers of the institutions run by the Protestant Churches may be smaller, but the best of them compete well with the Catholics. For every Loyola and Xavier college, there is a St Stephens. In medical education, the Protestant college outnumber those of the Catholics. Many of these institutions, and the smaller unnamed dispensaries are deep in the forests. I have seen many of them, some in Kandhamal in Orissa where they provide the only place for a healthy birthing by a tribal woman, or assistance to a delirious patient wafting to be taken to distant Behrampur as the district hospitals in this district are an abomination. Have they become focii of conversions? They have indeed converted Indian women to give up their apprehensions on caste and creed, and come to learn the useful and glorious profession of nursing. Once when most of the nurses were Christians, and mostly from Kerala or the Maharashtra area, today nursing students come from all over the country, and most of them are Hindus. The only difference is while once the Christian nursing schools were giving a stipend to the women students, the private sector nursing colleges of today charge a hefty fees. But jobs are plenty, salaries are good and the Indian woman has shed her inhibition and defied taboos.. Bu there is no conversion to Christianity, of course. The fact that most of the alumni in Christians schools are Hindus – Christians almost never form the majority other than in religious seminaries is testimony to the fact that while the Christian schools are preferred for the value-loaded education they important, they have never been accused to inducing thier students to become Christians. Let me give contrasting examples from Ramakrishna Mission Schools in Tribal areas and the Ekal Vidyalayas. The second first. The Ekal Vidyalayas, whose scholarship, books and pedagogy has not been audited by any government agency, make no bones showing the sort of education they give. A mix of mythology and history, a harking to a Hindu golden age and heroism, the education is a hagiographic introduction to an India that cannot be articulated as history, or even as political geography because it speaks of a greater Hindu India which has never existed. It belittles Buddhism and Jainism, keeps Sikhism’s as a arm of the Hindus and cold-bloodedly converts the tribal into aggressive Hindu believer. RK Mission’s forest schools in Chhatisgarh, which I have visited, are more gentle, and do give some sort of a liberal education different from the Sangh Parivar. But thier end product is child who is no longer a tribal, but a Hindu Bengali Bhadralok! Where is the conversion, and where indeed the hiatus from the Sarna religion, the tribal Santhal or Oran culture? Why does the government and Jairam see the Church as a mere service provider? Possibly it is because Church leadership and institutional administrators have, of late, been diffident, on the back foot. In the face of persecution, they have fought shy of facing that they have been attacked because they have helped empower the poor. They are not crying out for the poor in the voice of the agitated masses. In the mouth of the Sangh Parivar, thier mute anger against empowerment of the poor becomes an argument against conversions. The two terms are seem the same. Somewhere hidden behind Jairam’s invitation of working in Naxal prone areas is also a reference to the insinuation, if not accusation by the BJP and BJD governments that Christians are working with Maoists. The Maoists have no religion, if they are rally a ideologically extremist Left. In the Mao belt, they are mostly Hindus, their leadership Brahminical. But in Andhra and Bihar and even in Karnataka, many are Muslims, even Christians and Buddhists. They swear by ideology, not by faith. But in Orissa, the government seems to be tying itself into knots trying to establish linkages between Christians and Maoists. Many innocents have been arrested and kept in jail without trial. How then does the government ask the Church to work in specified Naxal dominated areas. If it is just the states in this corridor, the Church is already present in Bihar, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh, Orissa and Andhra, working in villages and districts, running schools. They are not too involved in social action. Some are lawyers and fighting for a just wage for labourer and teacher, other work on gender issues for the women, and against trafficking and infant mortality. There is no major work in trade unions, unlike in Kerala and Tamil Nadu's fisher folk’s movement. . In the North east, the Church has also been a victim of local terrorism and insurrection. Many priests were killed in Manipur, many abducted in Assam and elsewhere where they were released in private arrangements involving large sums of money. The Church, under the dynamic leadership of Archbishop of Guwahati Thomas Menaparampil, done a lot for the peace process. So also for the Naga peace process where the Baptist Church is almost single handed responsible for a return from arms. It is a moot question if the increased presence of missionaries will close the deficit of confidence in the government. The Church cannot afford to be seen as an agent or front of the government. It will lose all legitimacy in the eyes of the people. The government, on the other hand, cannot shirk its responsibility. It must get its officers and its doctors to go to the villages. It must provide the teachers and ensure that they are available to teach. It is not the soldier alone they can send to the forest . And it must change its response to the Christian community and the Church. The government has been ungrateful, to say the least. The time has now come when we need to ask the government and the political parties if they are willing to show in word and deed their respect for us. It is not just their dastardly betrayal of the Dalit Christian. The government response is yet to be given in the Supreme court where the Dalit Christen rights is the subject of writ for half a decade. It is also seen in the government response to the issue of justice for victims of persecution in Orissa and the rest of the country. And above all, it is seen in the defence of the so called freedom of religion Acts which are possibly the greatest assault, on individual freedom and defiance of international result ions and global norms, other than in fundamentalist and totalitarian countries. The Church, finally, needs to tell the government and tell Mr Jairam Ganesh that it does not do its social work for money. It does not do it for influence. It does certainly not do it for buying converts. It does so in absolute obedience to the teachings of Jesus Christians to serve the poorest of the poor, of which there are plenty in India.

Rediff.com » News » 'There is nothing illegal in evangelisation' Last updated on: January 16, 2012 14:54 IST Vicky Nanjappa in Bengaluru The Evangelical Fellowship of India's annual report, identifying Karnataka as the most unsafe place for Christians, has set the cat among the pigeons. Amidst intense debate on the controversial report titled Battered and Bruised... came reports about incrimination of pastors Jim Borst and C M Khanna by a Islamic Shariat court in Srinagar for their alleged involvement in luring Kashmiri Muslims to convert to Christianity. The All India Christian Council has cried foul and states that such orders are only provocative and affects the safety of Christians. In an interview with rediff.com's Vicky Nanjappa, Dr John Dayal, member of the national monitoring committee for minority education, government of India, and secretary general of the All India Christian Council, says that the Constitution gives the community the right to practice, profess and propagate its faith. So there is nothing illegal in evangelisation, he says. Vicky Nanjappa: How do you view the living conditions of Christians in India today? John Dayal: We have demanded that the government set up a commission on the pattern of the Justice Rajinder Sachar committee that went into the condition of Indian Muslims. There is a myth that Christians are better off and highly educated. This may be true in the case Delhi or Mumbai only. Over 60 per cent of all Christians are of Dalit origin. Many are poor tribals. Very few are highly educated (graduate or post graduate). Most are under employed. This is from our analysis of the data from the National Sample Survey. It is true that in national statistics, Christians are just above the national average in education, but in the rural areas, the story is different. Please remember that even apart from the Dalits, there are Christians who are small farmers, landless peasantry, and even manual labour. There is some evidence that in some states like Gujarat and Punjab even manual scavengers include those professing the Christian faith. Let there be a formal study so that the church and the government can both devise appropriate policies. Vicky Nanjappa: Attacks against Christians and churches were reported in Orissa and Karnataka. What are your views on this? John Dayal: In 2007-08, there were attacks in 14 different states, including New Delhi. Orissa and Karnataka led the list, with Kandhamal in Orissa being the worst. Over 5,600 houses were burnt, 400 villages were purged of all Christians, at least a hundred were killed, about 300 churches were destroyed, over 56,000 were forced to flee to the forests for safety and over 30,000 stayed up to a year in government refugee camps and shanty towns. Rehabilitation and relief has been tardy, and justice a far thing. The National Peoples' Tribunal held in 2010 has just published its full report on the situation. The political party in power does not matter. Orissa was jointly ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Biju Janata Dal. Karnataka is a BJP-ruled state as is Chhattisgarh. They top the list of guilty states in the matter of Christian persecution. It also happens in Congress-ruled states. Perhaps the few Marxist states in the past did not have violence of this nature. In fact, the Congress has also been guilty of passing the so called freedom of religion laws, which are directed against the Christian faith. But the aggressors are the same. They belong to the many branches of the Hindutva Parivar. Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal, Ram Sene, Vanvasi Kalian Ashram and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh -- all are guilty. Vicky Nanjappa: Why do you think the attacks against Christians have increased in the recent past? John Dayal: The attacks on Christians started increasing after 1995-96, which also marks the time that the RSS-BJP launched its movement to get to power in New Delhi and major states. The Sangh policy of India for Hindus finds all other religions as aliens. It has a Hitlerian solution for aliens, as it defines us. Vicky Nanjappa: Conversions are often the reason cited for attacks against Christians. This has often been denied by the Christians. John Dayal: Let us make it clear that there cannot be forced conversion in India where every policeman and judge, as also the vigilante groups, are all staunch Hindus. They will stop it even if it were to take place. And regarding fraudulent or money induced conversion, it just cannot take place. With neighbours watching over each other, it remains impossible. For the record, I must say it is the Constitutional right of every Indian to choose the faith he want to profess. The Constitution also guarantees him the right to change his faith. The Constitution also gives us the right to practice, profess and propagate our faith. So there is nothing illegal in evangelisation. Vicky Nanjappa: Would you say that conversions are not a reality? John Dayal: Conversions are a reality. Tibet became Buddhist as did Sri Lanka and Japan by conversion. Manipur became Hindu. All of us became Christians by conversion -- two thousand years ago. New Christians happen every year all over the globe, and they do so in every state in India of their own free will, without coercion and without being tempted. Conversion is an act of God. Baptism is just a physical manifestation of the spiritual experience, and it is also a rite of admission to a Christian society. It is perfectly legal and constitutional. But there is no largescale Christian baptism. That is why we remain so much less than 3 per cent, perhaps around 2.3 per cent or so, which we will see when the detailed religious data is available from the 2011 census. In the Kashmir Valley, there are just about 400 Christians -- a little more than one hundred families and most of them are not of Kashmiri ethnic origin. Vicky Nanjappa: What is the issue between Muslims and Christians in Srinagar? John Dayal: There is no issue. There are so few Christians. But the hardliners among the Muslim clergy, for their own political ends, are making an issue of it. The clerics have no right to impose the Shariat laws on us. I don't understand why the government allows these Shariat courts to run in Kashmir. Are they part of the legal process? The government should clarify. Vicky Nanjappa: You say that the indictment of the two pastors would encourage violence in Jammu and Kashmir. Why has this tussle broken out in the Valley? John Dayal: It is a part of the power struggle between local extreme political groups. We are just victims. The so called indictment gives the signal to terror groups to become violet against Christians too. Vicky Nanjappa: Are Christians threatened more by Muslims or Hindus? John Dayal: All over the country, Christians work closely with Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs, Muslims and Hindus on issues of development, communal harmony, peace and human rights. We are not threatened by people of any religion. We are threatened by extremists of every religion. There is gross intolerance among sections of Hindus and Muslims. Vicky Nanjappa: The church says that conversions by force or fraud are not permitted. Is this followed everywhere in India and the rest of the world? John Dayal: We have repeatedly said there is no conversion by force or fraud. That is the law of the church. Theologically such conversions, if ever they take place, are illegal and abhorrent in the sight of God.

Sharia cannot indict Christian pastors

All India Christian Council concern at Srinagar Sharia Court statement against Christian pastors New Delhi, 13 January 2012 The All India Christian Council is deeply disturbed at the Srinagar based Sharia Court issuing a statement against Christian pastors Jim Borst and C M Khanna Srinagar, Jan 11: Supreme Court of Islamic Sharia Wednesday indicted Christian Pastor C M Khanna and Dutch national, Jim Borst for their involvement in luring people to convert their religion. The Sharia court has threatened it will issue a sentence shortly. Such statements can encourage extremist elements to indulge in violence, the Council fears. Christian Council secretary general Dr John Dayal said the church in India displayed remarkable sobriety and a sense of responsibility in their response to the arrest in Srinagar of Reverend Chander Mani Khanna, pastor of the All Saints Church late last year on charges of conversion on the demand of a local Mufti. It was hoped that religious and secular authorities, and the state government, would show maturity and responsibility keeping in view the delicately poised public peace situation and the hardship the common people have faced at the hands of terrorists of various hues and other agencies. The Church does not accept as genuine any conversion brought about by fraud or force. Dr John Dayal pointed out that a fact finding team which went to Srinagar in the wake of the arrest of Rev Khanna, and interviewed Church personnel, Ulema, school, authorities and the police, found no evidence of force or fraud in baptisms that have been carried out over a period of time. Each baptism has been proved to be voluntary. The Christian community in the entire valley does not number more than 400, and has lived in peace with its neighbours for the last century and a half The Council said the Christian community does not accept the jurisdiction on the Sharia courts or similar instruments of other religions anywhere in India. The vital issues of the rights of minorities, and freedom faith are also involved. Dr John Dayal said it devolves on the Jammu and Kashmir Governmnt, religious leaders and people of goodwill in the Kashmir valley to ensure that the nights of minorities are respected, thier welfare assured, and communal harmony strengthened in the region which so desperately requires and environment of peace for its development and wellbeing.

Why is church supporting the UID card?

JOHN DAYAL I live in what is called a Cooperative Housing Society flat in East Delhi, among the fortunate few among the middle classes who could get to own a flat in Delhi thanks to the cooperative movement and a cooperative Delhi government in the late Seventies. Unlike DDA flats, life in such a society, even if one lives on the sixth floor, has a sense of community about it. Residents of all 57 flats in our case, former journalists and media employees from all parts of India, get quite animated about social issues, national crises and above all, on municipal issues much as members of any Residents Welfare Association would do. This week, our RWA and its members had their moment of excitement when a private sector group came to make the government Aadhar cards, or Unique Identification cards. Although I have been writing and campaigning against this UIDAI [Unique Identification Authority of India] scheme for a long time – for reasons which I will explain in a short while – my wife, like me a senior citizen, thought it would be good for us if we too got ourselves a card, in addition to the driving license, the ration card, the Income tax number, the several passports, and multiple Identity papers that we carry. As a loyal wife, she eventually did not go to get herself photographed, her iris measured, her thumb prints taken and her bio data punched in by a man who cannot spell Mary [not my wife’s name]. But she does harbour a feeling that we are going to miss this card at some future date. Patently, I am a bad campaigner where my family is concerned. I was, however, really surprised when a neighbour, a senior journalist, a former member of the Communist Party and a scholar of some reckoning met me in the lift. He was going to get his UID card made. I knew him to be a campaigner against such government floppies. “I am opposed to the UID”, he told me. ”I am getting this card made just in case the government denies us some privileges if we do not have such a card.” An ID card, meant to be a beneficial thing, had quite clearly evolved a tinge of the coercive. My neighbour is an individual and took his own decision, without the prompting of the Communist party or anyone else. But why is the church canvassing for the UIDAI? In my travels across the length and breadth of this country, I have fund Bishops and Parish priests, Pastors and their administrators pumping for the card, without really understanding or being able to explain why they think the cards are important. The only conclusion one reaches is that the Christian leadership has an innate trust in the government of the day, and honestly believes that the government cannot do any wrong. It sides with a few popular movements – such as the middle class angst of Hazare and his team, but of course not the peasantry anger which results in Maoists or the Dalit Panthers of yore. Actually, the UID card is a costly joke, possibly even dangerous in the long run. The United Kingdom has it for a brief period, and expeditiously gave it up when the populace objected to breach of privacy and security of data issues. Inaugurating Aadhar on 29, September 2009 in Tembhli Village in Maharashtra, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called the project the ‘face of modern India’. To Nandan Nilekani, the billionaire co-founder of IT giant Infosys and Chairman of UIDAI with the rank of a Union minister, the project is the foundation for future development of the nation. Almost immediately, critics called it ominous. “The fact that, a project of this magnitude was implemented without even the basic formalities needed and an enabling law is a matter of utmost concern. How can a government approve a sum over Rs. 3000 crores for a dubious project, without a benefit analysis study and the approval of the parliament? The only possible reason behind the undue haste in implementing the project is the business interests involved,” a critic said. “The social, economic, political and ethical impacts of the project are of frightening scale. And well mark the beginning of the end of democracy in India.” Time therefore to bring the Church face to face with the UID reality, because the issues are important, valid and will impact on the church and the community in the long run. Experts, and the Standing Committee of Parliament on Finance, which examined this scheme have said so. Citing “contradictions and ambiguities within the government” over the implementation of the UID, the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance rejected the National Identification Authority Bill and asked the government to bring a fresh legislation. The panel also suggested to the government to “reconsider and review the UID scheme”. The committee headed by senior BJP leader Yashwant Sinha said the scheme “is riddled with serious lacunae.” It said the scheme had been “conceptualised with no clarity of purpose” and was “being implemented in a directionless way with a lot of confusion”. The committee pointed out that initially meant for BPL families, the scheme had been extended to all residents of India and certain other persons. The Empowered Group of Ministers set up for collating the UID and National Population Register (NPR) had “failed to take concrete decision on important issues”. These include “(a) identifying the focussed purpose of the resident identity database; (b) methodology of data collection; (c) removing the overlapping between the UID scheme and NPR; (d) conferring of statutory authority to the UIDAI since its inception; (e) structure and functioning of the UIDAI; (f) entrusting data collection and issue of unique identity number and national identification number to a single authority instead of the present UIDAI and its reconciliation with National Registration Authority”, the committee said. It noted the possibility of misuse of information in the huge data base. “It would be difficult to deal with the issues of access and misuse of personal information, surveillance, profiling, linking and matching of data bases and security confidentiality of information” in the absence of a data protection legislation. Sure enough, the scheme soon got its first data misuse. The Press trust of India reported on 3 October 2011 a complaint regarding misuse of address proof, admitted by the authorities in reply to an RTI query. However, it did not give details of the complaint, received this year, and the complainant. Writing in the Hindu on December 16, 2011 analyst R Ramkumar said the government should pay heed to the parliamentary standing committee's views and suspend the Aadhar project. It would be a travesty to push the project in through the backdoor. He explained that the parliamentary committee does not just reject the Bill; it also raises serious questions about the idea of Aadhar itself. In fact, the report so comprehensively questions the idea that any effort to introduce fresh legislation would require, as a prerequisite, a re-look at the foundational principles on which the project was conceived. Ramkumar listed five important arguments in the parliamentary report. First, it contains scathing criticism of the government for beginning Aadhar enrolment without Parliament's approval. Secondly, it questioned about the enrolment process followed for Aadhar numbers which, it said was “riddled with serious lacunae, with no clarity of purpose.” The report concludes that the enrolment process “compromises the security and confidentiality of information of Aadhar number holders,” and has “far reaching consequences for national security.” The reason: “the possibility of possession of Aadhar numbers by illegal residents through false affidavits/introducer system. “Thirdly, the government had not enacted a “national data protection law,” which is a “pre-requisite for any law that deals with large-scale collection of information from individuals and its linkages across separate databases. Fourthly, the report strongly disapproves of “the hasty manner” in which the project was cleared. isting ID documents are also not available.” And last, the report tears apart the faith placed on biometrics to prove the unique identity of individuals. The report concludes that, given the limitations of biometrics, “it is unlikely that the proposed objectives of the UID scheme could be achieved.” Law researcher and civil society activist Dr. Usha Ramanathan, the nation’s top expert on the subject, says the UID project is an experiment – not a solution. She said while recognizing that biometrics is "sensitive information", the agency has washed its hands of responsibility for the safety, security and confidentiality of the data during enrolment and passed the buck to the registrars. In Mumbai women were unable to enroll because of blisters and calluses and the effect of abrasive detergents on their hands. In Bangalore and Delhi that senior citizens were unable to get enrolled because their fingerprints did not work. The credibility roadblocks that these reports were setting up were sought to be removed by the UIDAI by threatening enrollers with "action" if they turned any person away. Questions have arisen about persons with disabilities, some of whom may not have fingerprints or irises that meet the biometric standards required by the UIDAI for enrolment. In Pune, a man received his UID with his wife's photograph appended to it. The US magazine The New Yorker describes how this embarrassment is sought to be averted: a computer operator sits in an office running through enrolment forms to make a cursory judgment whether the image matches the demographic information. "That day," the journalist reports, "he had already inspected more than 5,000 photographs, and he had clicked "incorrect" 300 times: men listed as women, children as adults, photographs with two heads in them." It seems there are infinite variations to the theme of error. In May, "unidentified persons" walked away with two laptops and a pen drive which held data pertaining to 140 persons from an enrolment centre in a school in Hadaspur, Maharashtra. The back-up information was also on the same laptop. The data included "sensitive details" relating to passports, voter ID cards, bank accounts, photographs and a range of other information. In July, five persons were arrested in Bangalore for issuing fake UID. The UIDAI heard about the racket when they were approached with complaints that "Global ID Solutions" was selling franchises to customers to take up Aadhar enrolment for a non-refundable fee of Rs. 2.5 lakh an enrolment kit. This episode exposed the perils of indiscriminate outsourcing. In October, a software error resulted in hundreds of residents of Colaba in south Mumbai having their addresses recorded as Kolaba, Raigarh district. The enrollers claimed that this was a software glitch and that enrolees would just have to return another day to re-enrol. Only, the guidelines of the UIDAI do not have a provision for re-enrolling any resident. Dr. Ramanathan says “This is no innocent data collection in a vacuum. Set amidst NATGRID and UID, it conjures Orwellian images of Big Brother. The relationship between the state and the people is set to change dramatically, and irretrievably, and it appears to be happening without even a discussion about what it means. The National Population Register has been launched countrywide, after an initial foray in the coastal belt. All persons in India aged over 15 years are to be loaded on to a database. This will hold not just their names and the names of their parents, sex, date of birth, place of birth, present and permanent address, marital status – and “if ever married, name of spouse” – but also their biometric identification, which would include a photograph and all eight fingers and two thumbs imprinted on it. This is being spoken of with awe, as the ‘biggest-ever' census exercise in history. 1.2 billion people are to be brought on to this database before the exercise is done. This could well be a marvel without parallel. But what will this exercise really do? Dr. Ramanathan cautions it is wise not to forget that this is not data collection in a vacuum. It is set amidst NATGRID (National Intelligence Grid), the UID and a still-hazy-but-waiting-in-the-wings DNA Bank. Each of these has been given spurs by the Union Home Ministry, with security as the logic for surveillance and tracking by the state and its agencies. The benign promise of targeted welfare services is held out to legitimise this exercise. She says if the Home Ministry were to have its way, NATGRID will enable 11 security and intelligence agencies, including RAW, the IB, the Enforcement Directorate, the National Investigation Agency, the CBI, the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence and the Narcotics Control Bureau and other secret services, to access consolidated data from 21 categories of databases. These would include railway and air travel, income tax, phone calls, bank account details, credit card transactions, visa and immigration records, property records, and the driving licences of citizens. It is the admitted position that the information gathered in the house-to-house survey, and the biometrics collected during the exercise, will feed into the UID database. The UID document says the information that data base will hold will only serve to identify if the person is who the person says he, or she, is. It will not hold any personal details about anybody. What the document does not say is that it will provide the bridge between the ‘silos' of data that are already in existence, and which the NPR will also bring into being. So with the UID as the key the profile of any person resident in India can be built up. Why is a problem? Dr. Ramanathan answers “Because privacy will be breached. Because it gives room for abuse of the power that the holder of this information acquires. Because the information never goes away, even when life moves on. So if a person is dyslexic some time in life, is a troubled adolescent, has taken psychiatric help at some stage in life, was married but is now divorced and wants to leave that behind in the past, was insolvent till luck and hard work produced different results, donated to a cause that is to be kept private — all of this is an open book, forever, to the agency that has access to the data base. And, there are some like me who would consider it demeaning to have this relationship with the state. For the poor, who often live on the margins of life and legality, it could provide the badge of potential criminality in a polity where ostensible poverty has been considered a sign of dangerousness. (This is not hyperbole; read the beggary laws, and the attitude of some courts reflected in the comment that `giving land for resettlement to an encroacher is like rewarding a pickpocket.')” “Also, the Citizenship Rules cast every ‘individual' and every ‘head of family' in the role of an ‘informant' who may be subjected to penalties if he does not ensure that every person gets on to the NPR, and keeps information about themselves and their ‘dependents' updated. There isn't even an attempt at speaking in the language of democracy!” Dr. Ramanathan points out. Concerned with these issues, eminent persons led by former Kerala Law minister and retired Supreme Court justice VR Krishna Iyer demanded in a joint statement, that the UID project be halted, a feasibility study be done covering all aspects of this issue, experts be tasked with studying its constitutionality, the law on privacy be urgently worked on, a cost- benefit analysis be done and a public, informed debate be conducted before any such major change be brought in. We should await such an exercise before so enthusiastically encouraging innocent parishioners to get their fingerprints and eyes scanned.

A KANDHAMAL UPDATE ON CHRISTMAS EVE

GOVERNMENT DOES NOT CARE JUST HOW MANY WILL SLEEP UNDER THE STARS ON CHRISTMAS IN KANDHAMAL, BUT HAVE WE FORGOTTEN? BY JOHN DAYAL 22 December 2011 This is the fourth Christmas that many people of Kandhamal in Orissa will “celebrate” in terror, a few thousand of them without a real roof over their head, scores of widows and orphans remembering the denial of justice which has seen the killers of the head of the family walk away merrily after being set free by the sop called Fast Track Courts Justice still remains an overwhelming issue for about everyone of the 56,000 people who had to run for their lives first on 24th December 2007 and then again from 24th August 2008. They need not have had to flee if they had obeyed their attackers, changed their faith to Hinduism and burnt a Bible as a token of their leaving Christianity. They did not. Four hundred villages were purged of all Christians, more than 5600 houses and about 295 or so churches burnt, a hundred or more killed -- the exact number will never be known -- some women, including at least one nun raped. The tension remains, exacerbated this season with the murder of a law assistant who was uninvolved in protecting witnesses. In another tribal district, Keonjhar, twelve houses were burnt in a scenario eerily, and frighteningly, similar to the one in 2007 and 2008. Adding to the apprehension is the call by a local group for an agitation, a Bandh, during Christmas week. A few days ago, in Bujlimendi village, Arabbakka gram panchayat, Tikkabali block of G Udayagiri Tehsil, the house of Kaleswar Digal, 45, was sleeping with his family which includes three children, when his house was set on fire just after midnight. The family escaped, but the house, including their animals, were destroyed. There are 25 Christian families in this village of 100 houses, now living in palpable fear. The murder was of Rabindra Parichha, a legal activist who had been working with the Evangelical Fellowship of India for justice in Kandhamal. He was killed on 15th December evening at Bhanjanagar, Ganjam District, which adjoins Kandhamal. A former village chief and a local leader, Rabindra was a popular figure in the region. His family lives in their home in Bhaliapara, in Raikia block of Kandhamal. The police have not been able to say why he was killed. His body bore multiple injuries. Cause of his murder is not known. Rabindra Parichha is the third Christian leader to be killed during this year. Pastor Saul Pradhan of Banjamaha (Raikia) was the first Christian killed during 2011. The police version is that he died of too much liquor and the cold. Pastor Minoketan Nayak of Midiakia (Baliguda) was killed on 26 July. Police say that he died in a bike accident. The police have not acted on reports that Manoj Pradhan, member of the state legislative assembly and prime accused in several cases of murder has been moving from village to village instigating anti-social elements and allegedly urging them to “finish off” all Christian leaders of Kandhamal. The police are also deaf to reports of hate speech. On 23 July, a large rally at Phulbani saw a lot of hate speech, and slogans such as "Hindu-Hindu: bhai-bhai _ Anya sab desh-drohi" [Hindus are brothers. Everyone else is a traitor]. The police was present, but took no action. The "Kui Samaj", a front organisation of the right wing hyper nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party which was once in an alliance in the State government, has called for Kandhamal bandh for five days from 23 to 27 December, throwing the Christians into a state of panic. They have memories of the 2007 violence which also took place in the backdrop of another such strike, or bandh. Bipra Charan Nayak, convener of the Survivors’ Associations of Communal Violence, has demanded that the district and state authorities take note of the latest strike call and act swiftly and sternly. The memorandum, to the government said “We remind you that every year, Kui Samanyaya Samittee in nexus with extreme element of Sangh Parivar gives Bandh Call creating mental trauma among the peace loving Christians of Kandhamal. We demand that such practice be stopped.” The All India Christian Council, one of the several groups working in rehab and justice issues said “Although we are for the freedom of expression and do not wish to curb demonstrations and political activity by any group, even by those who are against Christianity and the Christian people, it is the duty of the government to ensure that there is no excuse for confrontation or violence. In Kandhamal, we have had bitter experience. Out community has been deeply wounded, specially in the aftermath of bundh calls during and around Christmas. We are therefore apprehensive of such bandh calls. The Orissa government and the Kandhamal administration must restrain all mischievous and fundamentalist elements and ensure the Christmas is peaceful.” Not that the region outside Kandhamal is peaceful. On 8th December 2011, a Hindu group attacked 3 tribal Christian families at Chandikhole, a suburb in Jajpur district close to Keonjhar district. When the people went to the police station, they were detained on charges of “conversion” of Hindus. The saddest commentary on the governance in Orissa is in the narrative of the dispensation of justice, specially in the fast track courts where not a single person has so far been convicted of murder – mostly because the witnesses have been coerced into silence and the police has made sure there is precious little forensic evidence from their shoddy investigations The following is the current Status of communal violence cases of 2008-2009 of Kandhamal district. Do remember that more than 3,500 persons filed complaints to the authorities.: 1. CASES REGISTERED BY THE POLICE : 827 2. NO. OF CHARGE SHEETS : 512 3. NO. OF FINAL REPORTS SUBMITTED : 315 4. NO. OF CASES ENDED IN CONVICTION : 68 5. NO. OF PERSONS CONVICTED : 412 6. NO. OF CASES ENDED IN ACQUITTAL : 140 9. NO. OF PERSONS ACQUITTED : 1900 10. NO. OF CASES PENDING TRIAL : 304 11. NO. OF ACCUSED PERSONS ARRESTED : 1607 [Acknowledgments: Fr Ajay Singh, Fr Dibya Parichha, Br Marcose, Pastor Harish Arshaliya, Rev Vijayesh Lal]